Opinion
The Liability of Atiku’s Presidential Candidacy at Age 82: A Detriment to the PDP
By Suleiman Abbah
The Nigerian political landscape has witnessed the emergence of a new generation of leaders within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which is making former Vice President Atiku Abubakar uncomfortable.
The name Atiku Abubakar has become synonymous with consistent attempts to manipulate the leadership of his political party. He has had a long and controversial political career. Atiku’s political journey has been marked by frequent party switches, which raises questions about his commitment to any particular party’s ideology or principles. He has been a member of various political parties, including the PDP, Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and the All Progressives Congress (APC).
One of the most significant instances of Atiku’s self-serving actions was his decision to leave the PDP and join the ACN in 2007 only to return to the PDP after losing the presidential poll. He then left the PDP the second time to the APC in 2013. At the time, the PDP was the ruling party, and Atiku’s move was widely seen as an opportunistic attempt to secure the presidential nomination for himself. Furthermore, Atiku’s subsequent return to the PDP in 2017 further deepened the disillusionment among party members. This move was seen by many as a calculated strategy to position himself as the party’s presidential candidate for the 2019 elections.
By switching parties once again, Atiku demonstrated a lack of loyalty and commitment to the PDP, leaving party members questioning his motives and integrity. This lack of consistency has contributed to the disillusionment of party members who seek leaders with unwavering dedication to the party’s cause.
Currently, Atiku is believed to be engaging in a plot to replace the sitting national chairman of the PDP with a stooge in addition to his confirmed connivance with APC in Adamawa State to dislodge the governor who is from the PDP.
There is also a confirmed plot by Atiku to undermine the PDP Governors Forum due to his fear and insecurity regarding the growing influence of the emerging new generation of PDP leaders, particularly Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State. This move is a clear indication of Atiku’s fear and insecurity regarding his unquenchable thirst to run for the presidency, even at the age of eighty-two.
By attempting to impose his preferred candidate, Atiku is disregarding the voices and choices of party members, thereby undermining the democratic ideals that the PDP Governors Forum wants to uphold. His disregard for the voices and choices of party members has led him to undermine the democratic ideals that the PDP leadership and Governors Forum want to uphold.
In furtherance of this dubious destabilization agenda, Atiku has employed various tactics aimed at undermining the PDP, including unleashing attacks through his irresponsible US-based attack dog who spreads false information about PDP state governors, particularly Governor Bala of Bauchi.
It is worth noting that previous presidents have consistently included state governors, even those from opposition parties, in their delegations for international engagements. This practice has been instrumental in fostering unity and collaboration between the federal government and state governments. However, Atiku, uncomfortable with Governor Bala’s inclusion in President Tinubu’s delegation to the economic summit in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, has resorted to using his attack dog to undermine the governor’s credibility.
Atiku’s discontent arose after the Governors Forum and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) leadership decided to adhere to constitutionalism by waiting until the national convention to elect new leaders, contrary to Atiku’s suggestion of removing the national chairman outside the constitutional framework.
By adhering to constitutionalism at a meeting convened by Atiku three months ago and their resolute stand on ensuring that leadership changes are based on a collective decision-making process, rather than the whims of a few influential individuals, the Governors earned the anger of Atiku.
Atiku’s suggestion to remove the national chairman outside the constitutional framework undermines the very essence of constitutionalism. It implies a disregard for established rules and procedures, potentially leading to a concentration of power in the hands of a select few.
His second grouse with the governors resulted from the governors’ refusal of his request for huge sums of money to bankroll his case at the Appeal Court. The governors pointed out the burden each of them had to bear in supporting the party in their respective states in respect of.
It is essential at this point to question motives and contributions to the PDP. Has he provided any financial assistance to the governors during their campaigns? Has he contributed to the financing of PDP activities? These questions need to be addressed to expose Atiku’s true intentions and highlight his chronic penchant for seeking to impose himself as a presidential candidate for various parties he has switched to.
It is puzzling why Atiku would choose to engage in unnecessary, unfounded, baseless and illogical confrontations with state governors from his own party, the PDP even when none of them, not even his main target, Bala Mohammed, have indicated any interest in seeking the presidency and have not posed any threat to his presidential ambition.
It is as well puzzling that Atiku, driven by primitive vendetta should extend his witchhunt to singling out President Tinubu for attacks and irreverent treatment using those fugitive attack dogs hibernating in the diaspora.
It is important for Atiku to acknowledge that actions have consequences and to recognize that he and his supporters do not possess a monopoly on rascality and dirty games.
Atiku and his supporters may believe that they can act irresponsibly without facing any repercussions, but this is far from the truth. In the fullness of time, their actions will be scrutinized, and they will be held accountable for their irresponsibility.
The PDP state governors must also stand united and resist his attempts to cause disunity among them. It is crucial for them to prioritize the collective interest of the people and work collaboratively with the federal government to secure the dividends of democracy, regardless of party affiliations. The elections are over, and disputes have been resolved by the courts. It is time to move forward and focus on delivering good governance to the Nigerian people.
His insistence on running for Nigeria’s presidency at the age of 82 poses significant liabilities to the PDP. The potential drawbacks associated with his candidacy, including diminished physical and mental capacity, a disconnect from the youth demographic, a perception of stagnation, and the potential for intra-party conflicts, can undermine the party’s electoral prospects.
Furthermore, the country has witnessed a growing demand for generational change and a shift away from the traditional political elite. Younger, more dynamic candidates have emerged, capturing the imagination of the electorate with their fresh ideas and innovative approaches. Atiku, on the other hand, represents the old guard of Nigerian politics, and his desperation for power is seen by many as a desperate attempt to cling to the past.
Despite Atiku’s name becoming synonymous with ambition and a relentless pursuit of the presidency, it is evident that he has lost relevance to the public and is unlikely to lead the PDP to victory in any election.
One of the primary reasons why Atiku’s desperation for the presidency has lost relevance is his controversial past. Atiku has been embroiled in numerous corruption scandals, which have tarnished his reputation and eroded public trust. From allegations of embezzlement during his tenure as Vice President to his involvement in questionable business dealings, Atiku’s past has become a liability rather than an asset.
Another factor contributing to the irrelevance of Atiku’s desperation for the presidency is his lack of a clear vision for the country. While he has made promises and outlined policy proposals, Atiku has failed to articulate a comprehensive and coherent plan for addressing Nigeria’s pressing challenges. Voters are looking for leaders who can provide concrete solutions to issues such as unemployment, insecurity, and economic stagnation. Atiku’s vague and often contradictory statements have left many questioning his ability to lead effectively. Without a compelling vision, his desperation for the presidency appears hollow and disconnected from the needs of the Nigerian people.
In conclusion, Atiku Abubakar’s desperation to run for the presidency has lost relevance to the public and is unlikely to lead the PDP to victory. His controversial past, lack of a clear vision, and the changing political landscape in Nigeria have all contributed to his diminishing appeal. To regain relevance, Atiku must address the concerns surrounding his integrity, articulate a compelling vision for the country, and demonstrate an ability to adapt to the evolving political climate. Otherwise, his desperation for power will continue to fall on deaf ears, leaving him far from the presidency he so fervently desires.
To remain competitive and relevant, the PDP should consider promoting younger, dynamic candidates who can resonate with the aspirations of Nigeria’s diverse population and offer fresh ideas for the nation’s progress.
Meanwhile, Atiku and his attack dogs must realize that their rascality does not hold a monopoly, and anyone can be clumsy if they choose to be.
By Suleiman Hassan Gimba Esq
I do not speak for Buni, for I am neither the voice nor the vessel of government. I do not speak for the flyover, for I am neither its foundation nor its asphalt. And I do not speak for the detractors of the flyover, for I am neither their echo nor their intent.
But I do speak for myself—as a citizen who will drive on this flyover and the existing roads in Yobe.
I speak as a husband, as a potential father who understands that government policies shape my ability to provide for my family. The roads I travel, the infrastructure around me, and the decisions made in government halls all influence my capacity to build a future where my child can grow in safety and my wife can nurture them in a stable, supportive environment.
I do not speak for power, nor for opposition—I speak for the everyday man whose life is shaped by these choices, for the citizen who desires not just development in name but development that truly serves the people.
As a child, I struggled to grasp the saying, “He who fails to plan, plans to fail.” One of my teachers at FECOET Demonstration Secondary School, Prof. Adam M. Abubakar, used to say it often.
It was plain, simple, and straightforward, yet my young mind could not understand how failing to plant during the rainy season meant sowing the seeds of hunger in the dry season. But I have since come to understand that development that truly serves the people is built on planning.
I have followed the political career of His Excellency Mai Mala Buni, and I hope to write a book about him one day, for his is a career rooted in planning.
Everywhere he goes, he excels. There was a clear plan when he was a Special Adviser to the Governor, there was one when he led the APC, and there is a bold one in his leadership of Yobe State. The APC enjoyed its best days under his watch; he was National Secretary of the first and only opposition party in Nigeria’s history to defeat a sitting president; he was Chairman of the Caretaker Committee that rescued the APC from implosion.
The importance of planning is best illustrated when comparing Abuja and Lagos. Both are Nigeria’s biggest cities, but in terms of road convenience, Abuja is far ahead. Why? Because Abuja was built with a master plan to last the ages, while Lagos has had to adapt as it grows. The roads in Abuja were constructed before congestion set in, with flyover pillars pre-installed in strategic locations, waiting for activation. Lagos did not have that foresight. Today, its people sleep in traffic, and all remedial efforts are expensive and disruptive.
It is no different with Damaturu. As urbanization increases, road congestion will become a major challenge. A flyover can significantly ease traffic, reduce travel time, and improve road safety by minimizing accident-prone intersections.
It will also enhance the work of agencies like YOROTA, YEMABUS, fire services, police, and other security bodies by allowing them to move more efficiently.
I cannot speak for the flyover, but I can speak for large infrastructure projects. I have been around long enough to know that such projects create employment, directly and indirectly. The flyover will not only provide construction jobs but will also stimulate economic activity by improving connectivity. It sits on roads that link at least three other local governments, another state, and three neighboring countries. Property values around it will rise, increasing local wealth and boosting Internally Generated Revenue through modernized property taxation under YOGIS.
And what is Damaturu if not our own Abuja, our own FCT? Whether we acknowledge it or not, the city will experience population growth and commercial expansion. What we can decide is whether we prepare for it—and H.E. Mai Mala Buni is doing just that. Strip Dubai of its infrastructure, and it is nothing but a Yusufari in the Middle East. We, too, must build the kind of infrastructure that attracts investment.
What many may not realize is that the flyover will actually save them money—on fuel, on vehicle maintenance. Smoother traffic flow means lower fuel consumption and less wear-and-tear on vehicles. It also means reduced carbon emissions due to less idling in traffic, aligning with the governor’s environmental sustainability plan and the broader Damaturu Development Plan.
What we can hope for is transparency in budgeting, procurement, and contract execution to ensure that the project is completed on time and to standard.
To close this write-up, I return once more to my childhood—boring, I know. I grew up seeing the NPN shops in Potiskum. Built in the late ’70s and early ’80s, they were the first all-concrete, fire-resistant shops in Nigeria. At the time, many saw them as wasteful and too ambitious. But today, development has caught up with them. No one stands at Kasuwan NPN and questions whether we were ready for them.
The same will be said of the five modern markets built by His Excellency Mai Mala Buni, the Potiskum Cattle Market, and now, the flyover. These projects will stand the test of time. And though I can never speak for Buni, they will speak for him—because they were planned with the people in mind. And when they start improving lives, the people will listen. The people will rejoice. Years and decades may pass, but these projects will remain, honoring the man who built them and serving the people he holds dear.
By Jumai Ahmadu
It is no longer news that there was an altercation between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and the Senate President Godswill Akpabio, but what it underscores is how women in elective positions in Nigeria continue to face severe under-representation.
Senator Natasha Akpoti, who was almost suspended from parliament by the Senate President, is just one out of similar cases in the recent past. Sen. Ireti Kingibe and Sen. Remi Tinubu (now First Lady) all had bitter experiences at the upper chamber.
It is in the light of these awful experiences that Seat Reservation for Women Bill by the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, becomes urgent to only boost gender parity, but to unlock national prosperity of which women are a critical segment of.
Nigerian women’s political engagement in Nigeria has quantitatively shown that there is grossly low levels of female election to the National Assembly. The issue of female electiveness is one of myriad of issues women face in Nigeria – poor economic power, discrimination, cultural and religious inhibitions as well as societal biases.
The very notion that the country’s political sphere since 1999 has not witnessed any seismic shift in terms of gender equity and parity rather has remained largely dominated by men despite several efforts by both government and the private sector to enhance women participation and representation in elective politics does not inspire confidence in terms of inclusion and diversity.
A statistical report in 2017 on women and men in Nigeria shows that representation of high-ranking government officials with decision-making powers is heavily lopsided in favour of men. The representation of women in the 9th Assembly is not a significant improvement from past Assemblies.
In 1999, sixteen (16) women were elected into the National Assembly with thirteen (13) in the House of Representatives and three (3) in the Senate. The total number increased to 25 in 2003 with twenty-one (21) in the House and four (4) in the Senate.
The highest number of women ever to be elected into the National Assembly is thirty (36) in 2007 with twenty-seven (27) in the House and nine (9) in the Senate. Since then, there has been a steady decline to thirty-two (32) in 2011, twenty-nine (29) in 2015 and seventeen (17) in 2019.
In the 9th National Assembly, there were eight (8) female Senators (7.3%) and thirteen (13) female Members of the House of Representatives (3.6%), which represents 4.5% of the entire Assembly.
The 10th Assembly has women occupying four (4) out of 109 seats (2.7%) in the Senate and 17 out of 360 seats in the House of Representatives (4.7%), which represents 4.2% of the 469-member Assembly.
Therefore, after seven general election cycles since 1999, the number of women in the Senate has dropped to what it was at Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999.
It is thus significant to note that the cumulative percentage of women in the two chambers of Nigeria’s incoming 10th National Assembly is below 5%. It is also important to note that no woman was elected in 15 out of Nigeria’s 36 State Houses of Assembly following the state level general elections in March 2023.
With current figures for the 10th National Assembly, Nigeria shamefully places at the lowest neighborhood of the ranking of countries on women in public leadership especially African Parliaments.
The National Assembly must take action to support increase in the number of women represented in government by passing the specific Constitution Alteration bills to achieve this.
The Temporary Special Measures bill, with more than 80 other House of Representatives members co-sponsoring it, was debated but failed to pass in the 9th Assembly. It is instructive that women groups are continuing work on the bill in the current 10th National Assembly and needs to work harder not to lose this opportunity again.
Women’s lack of adequate participation in legislative processes has negatively impacted promotion and enforcement of their rights, and despite the low representation of women in the National Assembly, the bills sponsored by female legislators has had significant impact on the lives of all Nigerians. Men’s efforts, if any, to promote these rights are not sufficient, because they are not direct beneficiaries.
Structural biases and barriers to women’s political participation indicate that the few women who show active interest in politics are discouraged by factors that include prevailing gender stereotypes, cultural/religious reasons, unfavourable political environment, lack of financial capacity, electoral violence and restrictive party structures and processes, amongst others.
Political hurdles, socio-cultural issues such as patriarchy, religious dogma, and conventional views of women in politics and socio-economic hurdles such as low income, lack of resources, electoral processes and political party structures, have all been identified as barriers to women’s political engagement.
While women are making significant contributions to Nigerian politics, their representation in political and decision-making positions needs to be improved.
And 30 years after the Fourth World Conference on Women and adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) we are nowhere near the 35% affirmative action.
Women groups plan to participate in the 69th Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women Conference scheduled to hold March 10 to 21, 2025.
The main focus of the sixty-ninth session will be on the review and appraisal of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the outcomes of the 23rd special session of the General Assembly.
It is therefore recommended that the country’s 35 per cent affirmative action for women’s representation in politics be codified into law. Having legislation that requires government at all levels to have at least 35 per cent representation of women in appointive public service positions will be a good way to engender greater participation of women in politics.
Considering the importance of their presence in governance, we urge women in public leadership to stand firm and continue representing their constituents. They should never ever lose their voice, but rather continue to stand strong in your commitment to citizens and prove that representation matters.
Dr. Jumai Ahmadu is the Acting Director, Reform Coordination and Service Improvement Department, of the Federal Capital Territory Administration.
BY ABUBAKAR YUSUF
The history of abandoned nation’s city centre roads by the previous administration’s was brought to a halt, soon after the assumption of office of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and appointment of Hon Minister, Nyesom Wike as the handler of the FCT in May , 2023.
Not long after his announcement and swearing as Minister of FCT, Wike visibly disturbed with the state of decayed infrastructure in the Federal Capital Territory FCT, particularly the state of roads across all Areas, sessions, districts, Zones and locations swung into action by embarking on major roads repairs , resumption of construction, embarking on new ones that was commissioned during the first year anniversary of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu under his Renewed Hope Agenda.
The massive repairs by the Nyesom Wike led Federal Capital Territory made both major and linkages of roads weared a new look and brought fresh air to motorists, travelers, pedestrians among many other road users across the FCT.
As at January 2025, Wike had not only completed most of the nations city roads , but connecting them with high capacity fly over bridges across areas abandoned for many decades as part of the master plan and opening up roads in the rural areas of the six area councils of Abaji , Kwali, Gwagwalada, Kuje , AMAC and Bwari areas.
Major and adjoining roads across the six area councils with those abandoned for many years close to a decade have been reconstructed between weeks and months returning back to these areas good life of motorable roads to the area councils.
His style of leadership in the area of roads construction across the nooks and crannies of FCT including the interior part of the councils was the engagement of construction companies in each of the six area councils, with allocation of roads to be constructed in batches with no time limit, but to ensure good motorable roads in the six area councils with a dedicated funds of about 300Billion approved by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to revive rural roads across the six FCT area councils.
Twenty one months down the line , the improved infrastructure and roads construction has improved and competing favorably with those of the nations city, that was once a cynosure and shadow of itself due to leadership without foresight in the previous administrations.
The implications of the provision of good roads across the nations city and area councils has reduced to the barest minimum the influx of people from all walks of life into the city centre, as people now found comfort at area councils as a result of good network of roads and Infrastructural development.
Wike road projects all over the FCT has also linked many towns and villages to the FCT from Nasssarawa, Niger , Kogi among many other states reducing the high cost of renting houses in the city centre, as people have found refuge in area councils with network of good roads and cheap accommodation against the cut throat prices at the city centre.
The FCT Minister under Nyesom Wike has changed the narration of construction of one fly over for many years in the city centre, and construction of only one rural road in the area councils as FCT intervention projects.
Currently over ten flyovers are undergoing construction, reconstruction and completion in the FCT, while area councils has witnessed roads construction of more than ten areas in each councils with the stationing of construction companies in each area councils.
Nyesom Ezenwo Wike has brought a new lease of life to residents and occupants of FCT through the infrastructure upgrade by reconstructing and re-awarding and construction of new roads in the nations city.
Written BY ABUBAKAR YUSUF on yus.abubakar3@gmail.com.