Opinion
Tijjani Ramalan in Panic as Bashir Hadejiya’s Investigation Intisifies
By Tunji Salami Adeou
The rising tide of political unrest and criminal activities in Nigeria has reached a pivotal juncture with the ongoing investigation of Bashir Hadejiya, a figure now embroiled in a web of allegations that ranges from treason to transnational crimes. The Federal Capital Territory’s Police Command recently issued a search warrant, dating August 12, 2024, which outlined Hadejiya’s purported offenses, including subversive activities and gun-running. The ramifications of this investigation extend beyond Hadejiya himself, reaching deep into the networks of individuals believed to have facilitated these alleged crimes. Among those individuals is Tijjani Ramalan, a Kaduna-based media practitioner who now finds himself enmeshed in palpable anxiety as the investigation unfolds.
The accusations levied against Hadejiya are grave. He stands charged with treason a charge that underscores the severity of his alleged actions against the State. Such accusations carry profound legal ramifications, with the potential for extensive prison sentences if found guilty. His involvement in treason and subversion poses significant questions about the stability of governance in Nigeria and the roles individuals play in fostering dissent. Hadejiya’s purported activities, particularly his role in inciting the recent #Endbadgovernance protests have drawn scrutiny, illuminating how media manipulation can stir public unrest and lead to violence. The consequences of such orchestration reverberate throughout society, making Ramalan’s connection to Hadejiya all the more concerning.
Tijjani Ramalan’s role is perceived as pivotal in this narrative. As an established media practitioner, he has allegedly acted as a conduit for disseminating fabricated propaganda materials that bolster Hadejiya’s agenda. The relationship between Ramalan and Hadejiya suggests not only complicity but an extensive network of influence that has the potential to engage and mobilize public sentiment against the Nigerian government. In this context, Ramalan’s panic can be understood as a survival instinct, a reaction to the tightening noose of an investigation that threatens to expose the intricacies of his involvement in potentially illicit activities.
The unfolding investigation represents a turning point not just for Hadejiya, but for individuals like Ramalan who may have enabled, directly or indirectly, the alleged subversion of state authority. The anxiety that Ramalan feels is amplified by the understanding that law enforcement agencies are keenly aware of the interconnected webs of relationships that suggest coordination in these alleged criminal activities. The crackdown on Hadejiya raises the specter of further investigations into his associates, thereby creating an atmosphere of distrust and paranoia among those who have navigated the same circles.
Furthermore, the implications of Ramalan’s situation extend into the broader context of civil discourse and media integrity in Nigeria. The #Ebdbadgovernance protests, in which many citizens voiced their grievances, highlight an increasingly frustrated population seeking accountability from their government. However, when figures in the media, like Ramalan, are alleged to propagate misinformation or incite violence, the credibility and ethical responsibilities of the media as a pillar of democracy are brought into question. Ramalan’s involvement may thus not only implicate him in a legal sense but could also serve as a cautionary tale regarding the dissemination of information and the potential perils of partisanship that color journalistic practice.
The origins of Ramalan and Hadejiya’s collaboration can be traced to an underhanded arrangement during President Buhari’s term, wherein Hadejiya and Tunde secretly orchestrated benefits that favored personal ambitions over national interests. The central piece of this political chess game was the appointment of Ramalan’s son to a prominent role within the Nigerian Ports Authority, a move that was met with both opportunism and skepticism. This placement was more than mere nepotism; it was a calculated strategy that effectively positioned Ramalan’s family as gatekeepers of key information.
The lucrative posting not only gratified personal ambitions but also established Ramalan’s son as a critical asset in Hadejiya’s network. By exploiting his son’s role, Hadejiya gained unprecedented access to confidential materials and intelligence that could be weaponized against Tinubu’s administration. Such access is invaluable in political maneuvering, where knowledge is power and information can dictate narratives and influence public opinion.
The collaboration between Ramalan and Hadejiya has not been limited to passive intelligence gathering. Their partnership is characterized by active participation in various machinations directed against President Tinubu’s emergence in 2023. Throughout the election cycle, it became apparent that Hadejiya, with Ramalan’s backing, was deploying a series of tactics aimed at undermining Tinubu’s credibility and political capital. This included orchestrated smear campaigns, misinformation, and strategically timed leaks that sought to destabilize the incoming administration.
Hadejiya’s role as the orchestrator of these antagonisms was bolstered by the privileged information siphoned through Ramalan’s son. This relationship fostered an environment where political subterfuge was not only tolerated but encouraged as a means to achieve desired political outcomes. The ramifications of this collaboration mean that Tinubu’s administration has had to navigate a landscape fraught with deceptive narratives and politically motivated disruptions, a reality that serves as a testament to the potency of alliances based on ulterior motives.
The ramifications of the Ramalan and Hadejiya’s alliance extend beyond immediate political conflicts. The antagonisms established during the 2023 electoral contestate are poised to carry through to the 2027 elections. The strategic nature of their collaboration indicates a long-term plan aimed at not merely destabilizing the current administration but also shaping the narrative and conditions under which future elections will unfold. By embedding themselves in the opposition narrative, Ramalan and Hadejiya have positioned themselves as pivotal players in a game that transcends the present administration, seeking to influence the political landscape for years to come.
The intensity and implications of the relationship between Ramalan and Hadejiya highlight the unique complexities of Nigerian governance, where alliances often forego ideological coherence in favor of self-serving ambitions. As the political climate intensifies in preparation for the forthcoming electoral cycle, the roles of Ramalan and Hadejiya will remain crucial, carrying their antagonisms forward as they attempt to shape the narrative surrounding Tinubu’s administration and beyond.
The relationship between Ramalan and Hadejiya serves as a poignant case study of the dynamics of Nigerian politics, where strategic alliances, underhand deals, and the manipulation of information can significantly alter the political landscape. Their collaboration, rooted in opportunism and driven by a desire to undermine President Tinubu, underscores the challenges of governance in a system rife with competing interests and power struggles. As the intrigues unfold in the years leading up to 2027, it will be essential for stakeholders to remain vigilant to the machinations that could potentially destabilize the fabric of governance and impede the pursuit of genuine national progress. Ultimately, the blend of personal ambition with political strategy presents a critical challenge for Nigeria as it navigates its path towards a more accountable and transparent political future.
As the investigation of Bashir Hadejiya progresses, it serves as a stark reminder of the vulnerabilities within the political landscape of Nigeria. A polarizing environment can lead to the exploitation of public sentiment by those with ulterior motives. Tijjani Ramalan’s anxiety is emblematic of a broader reckoning one that necessitates introspection within the media industry and accountability among those who wield the power of information. It underscores the necessity for vigilance both legally and ethically as society grapples with the consequences of actions that blur the lines of dissent and crime.
In conclusion, the investigation into Bashir Hadejiya is more than an inquiry into his alleged crimes; it is a critical juncture that challenges the relationship between governance, media, and public discourse in Nigeria. For Tijjani Ramalan, the implications are immediate and personal, as the specter of legal retribution looms large. It remains to be seen how this complex situation will unfold, but one thing is certain: the repercussions of these events will be felt far beyond the confines of the investigation, shaping the future of both public trust in the media and the intricate dance between authority and dissent in Nigeria.
By Suleiman Hassan Gimba Esq
I do not speak for Buni, for I am neither the voice nor the vessel of government. I do not speak for the flyover, for I am neither its foundation nor its asphalt. And I do not speak for the detractors of the flyover, for I am neither their echo nor their intent.
But I do speak for myself—as a citizen who will drive on this flyover and the existing roads in Yobe.
I speak as a husband, as a potential father who understands that government policies shape my ability to provide for my family. The roads I travel, the infrastructure around me, and the decisions made in government halls all influence my capacity to build a future where my child can grow in safety and my wife can nurture them in a stable, supportive environment.
I do not speak for power, nor for opposition—I speak for the everyday man whose life is shaped by these choices, for the citizen who desires not just development in name but development that truly serves the people.
As a child, I struggled to grasp the saying, “He who fails to plan, plans to fail.” One of my teachers at FECOET Demonstration Secondary School, Prof. Adam M. Abubakar, used to say it often.
It was plain, simple, and straightforward, yet my young mind could not understand how failing to plant during the rainy season meant sowing the seeds of hunger in the dry season. But I have since come to understand that development that truly serves the people is built on planning.
I have followed the political career of His Excellency Mai Mala Buni, and I hope to write a book about him one day, for his is a career rooted in planning.
Everywhere he goes, he excels. There was a clear plan when he was a Special Adviser to the Governor, there was one when he led the APC, and there is a bold one in his leadership of Yobe State. The APC enjoyed its best days under his watch; he was National Secretary of the first and only opposition party in Nigeria’s history to defeat a sitting president; he was Chairman of the Caretaker Committee that rescued the APC from implosion.
The importance of planning is best illustrated when comparing Abuja and Lagos. Both are Nigeria’s biggest cities, but in terms of road convenience, Abuja is far ahead. Why? Because Abuja was built with a master plan to last the ages, while Lagos has had to adapt as it grows. The roads in Abuja were constructed before congestion set in, with flyover pillars pre-installed in strategic locations, waiting for activation. Lagos did not have that foresight. Today, its people sleep in traffic, and all remedial efforts are expensive and disruptive.
It is no different with Damaturu. As urbanization increases, road congestion will become a major challenge. A flyover can significantly ease traffic, reduce travel time, and improve road safety by minimizing accident-prone intersections.
It will also enhance the work of agencies like YOROTA, YEMABUS, fire services, police, and other security bodies by allowing them to move more efficiently.
I cannot speak for the flyover, but I can speak for large infrastructure projects. I have been around long enough to know that such projects create employment, directly and indirectly. The flyover will not only provide construction jobs but will also stimulate economic activity by improving connectivity. It sits on roads that link at least three other local governments, another state, and three neighboring countries. Property values around it will rise, increasing local wealth and boosting Internally Generated Revenue through modernized property taxation under YOGIS.
And what is Damaturu if not our own Abuja, our own FCT? Whether we acknowledge it or not, the city will experience population growth and commercial expansion. What we can decide is whether we prepare for it—and H.E. Mai Mala Buni is doing just that. Strip Dubai of its infrastructure, and it is nothing but a Yusufari in the Middle East. We, too, must build the kind of infrastructure that attracts investment.
What many may not realize is that the flyover will actually save them money—on fuel, on vehicle maintenance. Smoother traffic flow means lower fuel consumption and less wear-and-tear on vehicles. It also means reduced carbon emissions due to less idling in traffic, aligning with the governor’s environmental sustainability plan and the broader Damaturu Development Plan.
What we can hope for is transparency in budgeting, procurement, and contract execution to ensure that the project is completed on time and to standard.
To close this write-up, I return once more to my childhood—boring, I know. I grew up seeing the NPN shops in Potiskum. Built in the late ’70s and early ’80s, they were the first all-concrete, fire-resistant shops in Nigeria. At the time, many saw them as wasteful and too ambitious. But today, development has caught up with them. No one stands at Kasuwan NPN and questions whether we were ready for them.
The same will be said of the five modern markets built by His Excellency Mai Mala Buni, the Potiskum Cattle Market, and now, the flyover. These projects will stand the test of time. And though I can never speak for Buni, they will speak for him—because they were planned with the people in mind. And when they start improving lives, the people will listen. The people will rejoice. Years and decades may pass, but these projects will remain, honoring the man who built them and serving the people he holds dear.
By Jumai Ahmadu
It is no longer news that there was an altercation between Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and the Senate President Godswill Akpabio, but what it underscores is how women in elective positions in Nigeria continue to face severe under-representation.
Senator Natasha Akpoti, who was almost suspended from parliament by the Senate President, is just one out of similar cases in the recent past. Sen. Ireti Kingibe and Sen. Remi Tinubu (now First Lady) all had bitter experiences at the upper chamber.
It is in the light of these awful experiences that Seat Reservation for Women Bill by the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, becomes urgent to only boost gender parity, but to unlock national prosperity of which women are a critical segment of.
Nigerian women’s political engagement in Nigeria has quantitatively shown that there is grossly low levels of female election to the National Assembly. The issue of female electiveness is one of myriad of issues women face in Nigeria – poor economic power, discrimination, cultural and religious inhibitions as well as societal biases.
The very notion that the country’s political sphere since 1999 has not witnessed any seismic shift in terms of gender equity and parity rather has remained largely dominated by men despite several efforts by both government and the private sector to enhance women participation and representation in elective politics does not inspire confidence in terms of inclusion and diversity.
A statistical report in 2017 on women and men in Nigeria shows that representation of high-ranking government officials with decision-making powers is heavily lopsided in favour of men. The representation of women in the 9th Assembly is not a significant improvement from past Assemblies.
In 1999, sixteen (16) women were elected into the National Assembly with thirteen (13) in the House of Representatives and three (3) in the Senate. The total number increased to 25 in 2003 with twenty-one (21) in the House and four (4) in the Senate.
The highest number of women ever to be elected into the National Assembly is thirty (36) in 2007 with twenty-seven (27) in the House and nine (9) in the Senate. Since then, there has been a steady decline to thirty-two (32) in 2011, twenty-nine (29) in 2015 and seventeen (17) in 2019.
In the 9th National Assembly, there were eight (8) female Senators (7.3%) and thirteen (13) female Members of the House of Representatives (3.6%), which represents 4.5% of the entire Assembly.
The 10th Assembly has women occupying four (4) out of 109 seats (2.7%) in the Senate and 17 out of 360 seats in the House of Representatives (4.7%), which represents 4.2% of the 469-member Assembly.
Therefore, after seven general election cycles since 1999, the number of women in the Senate has dropped to what it was at Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999.
It is thus significant to note that the cumulative percentage of women in the two chambers of Nigeria’s incoming 10th National Assembly is below 5%. It is also important to note that no woman was elected in 15 out of Nigeria’s 36 State Houses of Assembly following the state level general elections in March 2023.
With current figures for the 10th National Assembly, Nigeria shamefully places at the lowest neighborhood of the ranking of countries on women in public leadership especially African Parliaments.
The National Assembly must take action to support increase in the number of women represented in government by passing the specific Constitution Alteration bills to achieve this.
The Temporary Special Measures bill, with more than 80 other House of Representatives members co-sponsoring it, was debated but failed to pass in the 9th Assembly. It is instructive that women groups are continuing work on the bill in the current 10th National Assembly and needs to work harder not to lose this opportunity again.
Women’s lack of adequate participation in legislative processes has negatively impacted promotion and enforcement of their rights, and despite the low representation of women in the National Assembly, the bills sponsored by female legislators has had significant impact on the lives of all Nigerians. Men’s efforts, if any, to promote these rights are not sufficient, because they are not direct beneficiaries.
Structural biases and barriers to women’s political participation indicate that the few women who show active interest in politics are discouraged by factors that include prevailing gender stereotypes, cultural/religious reasons, unfavourable political environment, lack of financial capacity, electoral violence and restrictive party structures and processes, amongst others.
Political hurdles, socio-cultural issues such as patriarchy, religious dogma, and conventional views of women in politics and socio-economic hurdles such as low income, lack of resources, electoral processes and political party structures, have all been identified as barriers to women’s political engagement.
While women are making significant contributions to Nigerian politics, their representation in political and decision-making positions needs to be improved.
And 30 years after the Fourth World Conference on Women and adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) we are nowhere near the 35% affirmative action.
Women groups plan to participate in the 69th Session of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women Conference scheduled to hold March 10 to 21, 2025.
The main focus of the sixty-ninth session will be on the review and appraisal of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the outcomes of the 23rd special session of the General Assembly.
It is therefore recommended that the country’s 35 per cent affirmative action for women’s representation in politics be codified into law. Having legislation that requires government at all levels to have at least 35 per cent representation of women in appointive public service positions will be a good way to engender greater participation of women in politics.
Considering the importance of their presence in governance, we urge women in public leadership to stand firm and continue representing their constituents. They should never ever lose their voice, but rather continue to stand strong in your commitment to citizens and prove that representation matters.
Dr. Jumai Ahmadu is the Acting Director, Reform Coordination and Service Improvement Department, of the Federal Capital Territory Administration.
BY ABUBAKAR YUSUF
The history of abandoned nation’s city centre roads by the previous administration’s was brought to a halt, soon after the assumption of office of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and appointment of Hon Minister, Nyesom Wike as the handler of the FCT in May , 2023.
Not long after his announcement and swearing as Minister of FCT, Wike visibly disturbed with the state of decayed infrastructure in the Federal Capital Territory FCT, particularly the state of roads across all Areas, sessions, districts, Zones and locations swung into action by embarking on major roads repairs , resumption of construction, embarking on new ones that was commissioned during the first year anniversary of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu under his Renewed Hope Agenda.
The massive repairs by the Nyesom Wike led Federal Capital Territory made both major and linkages of roads weared a new look and brought fresh air to motorists, travelers, pedestrians among many other road users across the FCT.
As at January 2025, Wike had not only completed most of the nations city roads , but connecting them with high capacity fly over bridges across areas abandoned for many decades as part of the master plan and opening up roads in the rural areas of the six area councils of Abaji , Kwali, Gwagwalada, Kuje , AMAC and Bwari areas.
Major and adjoining roads across the six area councils with those abandoned for many years close to a decade have been reconstructed between weeks and months returning back to these areas good life of motorable roads to the area councils.
His style of leadership in the area of roads construction across the nooks and crannies of FCT including the interior part of the councils was the engagement of construction companies in each of the six area councils, with allocation of roads to be constructed in batches with no time limit, but to ensure good motorable roads in the six area councils with a dedicated funds of about 300Billion approved by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to revive rural roads across the six FCT area councils.
Twenty one months down the line , the improved infrastructure and roads construction has improved and competing favorably with those of the nations city, that was once a cynosure and shadow of itself due to leadership without foresight in the previous administrations.
The implications of the provision of good roads across the nations city and area councils has reduced to the barest minimum the influx of people from all walks of life into the city centre, as people now found comfort at area councils as a result of good network of roads and Infrastructural development.
Wike road projects all over the FCT has also linked many towns and villages to the FCT from Nasssarawa, Niger , Kogi among many other states reducing the high cost of renting houses in the city centre, as people have found refuge in area councils with network of good roads and cheap accommodation against the cut throat prices at the city centre.
The FCT Minister under Nyesom Wike has changed the narration of construction of one fly over for many years in the city centre, and construction of only one rural road in the area councils as FCT intervention projects.
Currently over ten flyovers are undergoing construction, reconstruction and completion in the FCT, while area councils has witnessed roads construction of more than ten areas in each councils with the stationing of construction companies in each area councils.
Nyesom Ezenwo Wike has brought a new lease of life to residents and occupants of FCT through the infrastructure upgrade by reconstructing and re-awarding and construction of new roads in the nations city.
Written BY ABUBAKAR YUSUF on yus.abubakar3@gmail.com.